The Efficacy of Enriching Preschool Environments

2021-06-12
Dr.
Dr. Donna L. Roberts
Community Voice

Arguments based on brain development

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Perhaps one of the most contentious debates in childhood education is the efficacy and relevance of early enrichment programs for preschool children. Concerned parties on both sides of the issue have strong feelings about their positions and propose persuasive arguments quoting ardent research in support thereof. Sifting through the myriad of somewhat conflicting evidence and overzealous arguments, one finds that perhaps the truth regarding the optimum level of infant/toddler stimulation lies toward the middle of the deprivation vs. early rigorous program continuum.

Scientific inquiry into brain functioning and development has uncovered important information related to the processes of early learning and skill acquisition. Specifically, brain imaging technologies such as Positron Emission Tomography (PET) and Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) have been employed to track developmental changes in brain structure and function. Using these technologies research has discovered that early brain development involves six major processes: neurogenesis and neuron migration; structural elaboration and differentiation of neurons; formation of connections between neurons (synaptogenesis); formation of glial cells and myelination; increased connections between regions of the brain; and pruning of excess synapses and loss of plasticity (DeHart, Sroufe & Cooper, 2004). Additionally, the research has shown that at birth the infant’s brain is only about 25% of its adult weight, while by age 3 the brain has achieved about 90% of its full potential (National Child Care Information Center, 1999).

During the first 18 months of life, the structure of neurons in the cerebral cortex becomes increasingly complex and the interconnections among them multiply rapidly. The progression of synaptogenesis and synaptic pruning are two related processes that drive the brain’s development and specialization. Synaptogenesis refers to the rapid proliferation of synapses which occurs shortly after birth. Within the context of this process, various areas of the cortex reach their maximum at different stages. This rapid development in the cerebral cortex in the months after birth is responsible for the many changes in infant competencies and skill mastery. The subsequent process of synaptic pruning works to systematically eliminate the excess, redundant and unused synapses formed during the previous stage of rapid formation, while maintaining those synapses which have been reinforced by repeated utilization (DeHart, Sroufe & Cooper, 2004; Ormrod, 2019).

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Plasticity is another major concept in the study of brain development. Experience-expectant plasticity is the flexible and adaptive responsiveness of the child’s brain which responds to input that can be expected in virtually any typical environment, such as the sounds of language. Instances of extreme deprivation can interfere with the normal processes of experience-expectant development. Conversely, experience-dependent plasticity occurs in response to environmental input that is unique and specific to the individual. It provides for individual differences in developmental outcomes and the unique refinement of the neurological structures and storage of individual experiences, knowledge and skills. It represents an area with potential for intervention that can stimulate skill enhancement (DeHart, Sroufe & Cooper, 2004; Ormrod, 2019; Woolfolk, 2019).

Much of this research has focused on understanding the effects of the environment upon these processes of brain growth and development. Some researchers insist that these finding have profound practical implications, arguing that,

The major outgrowth of this new information is the realization of the extent to which the quality of early experiences influences brain structure and child development. Because the vast majority of synapses are formed during the first three years of life and are pared down after the age of 10, these first three years are critical. An individual’s capacities are not fixed at birth. The brain itself can be altered – or helped to compensate for problems – with appropriately timed, intensive intervention (National Child Care Information Center, 1999, p. 2).

Thus, it is the infant’s experience, which is theorized to interact with these natural neurodevelopmental processes to form what will become the more stable brain. Environmental stimulation appears to play a role both in the formation of the connections between neurons and in the later pruning of synapses. Specifically, the connections that are stimulated, as through experience with the environment, will strengthen over time while those that are not stimulated seem to atrophy and gradually disappear. Consequently, the key processes in neurodevelopment are, to a large extent, activity dependent (Perry, 2002). Perry further contends that this has profound implications for the structuring a supportive environment for the very young child:

The simple and unavoidable conclusion of theses neurodevelopmental principles is that the organizing, sensitive brain of an infant or young child is more malleable to experience than a mature brain. While experience may alter the behavior for an adult, experience literally provides the organizing framework for an infant and child. Because the brain is most plastic (receptive to environmental input) in early childhood, the child is most vulnerable to variance of experience during this time (p. 88).

As with many areas in the field of psychology, researches argue about the relative contribution of nature and nurture for successful early development. Evidence from some studies indicates that in infancy and early childhood the impact of cognitive ability is significantly more powerful than the influence of heredity (Shore, 1997: Browne, 1997). This is coupled with other findings that indicate the prevalence of critical and optimal windows of opportunity for effective learning or experience processing within the first 3 years of life (National Child Care Information Center, 1999). Thus, many researchers and practitioners argue that the timing of enriching experiences and interventions is of utmost importance and thereby conclude that widespread participation in early childhood enrichment programs is necessary to maximize a child’s brain development and learning potential.

However, these views are not without their opponents. While not denying the scientific findings regarding the processes of neurodevelopment, these researchers do not advocate the mandate of early structured programs for very young children. Researchers including Elkind (1998), Katz (1997), Zigler (1996) and some educators in the National Association for the Education of Young Children (1996) do not deny the developmental damage caused by deprivation, but also caution against overzealous and highly structured educational programs for the very young, indicating that they may prove too fatiguing and stressful for the children. Elkind has argued that, “Some of the increased interest in and push for structured preschool programs comes from the unfortunate notion, held by some, that education is a race to be won, and those who start first are more likely to finish ahead” (1998, p. 23).

So, the debate persists. Clearly evidence exists that children need at least some base level of stimulation to promote successful neurological, cognitive and emotional development. Children deprived of adequate stimulation miss windows of opportunity that may never allow them to develop certain skills and proficiencies to the same level as their peers. However, for toddlers, perhaps a rigid schedule with French lessons three times a week and Shakespeare every night before bed, among other rigorous agenda items, is taking the idea of enrichment to the extreme. The key then, is finding the balance between facilitating stimulating interaction with the environment and allowing for the natural and spontaneous freedom and flexibility that should be a hallmark of childhood.

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References

Blakeslee, S. (1997, April 17). Studies show talking with infants shapes basis of ability to think. The New York Times, p. A22.

Browne, M. W. (1997, June 6). Role of genes in shaping intelligence is lifelong, study says. The New York Times, p. A20.

DeHart, G. B., Sroufe, L. A., & Cooper, R. G. (2004). Child development: Its nature and course. (5th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.

Elkind, D. (1998). Educating the very young: A call for clear thinking. NEA Today, 6, 22-27.

Katz, L. G. (1997). Current issues in early childhood education. Champaign, IL: Clearinghouse on Early Childhood Education.

National Association for the Education of Young Children. (1996). Good teaching practices for infants and toddlers.Washington, DC: NAEYC.

National Child Care Information Center. (1999). Early brain development and child care. Healthy Child Care America, 3.

Ormrod, J. E. (2019). Human learning (8th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill Prentice Hall.

Perry, B. D. (2002). Childhood experience and the expression of genetic potential: What childhood neglect tells us about nature and nurture. Brain and Mind, 3, 79-100.

Shore, R. (1997). Rethinking the Brain: New Insights into early development. New York: Families and Work Institute.

US Department of Education. (1999). "How Are the Children?" Report on Early Childhood Development and Learning. http://www.ed.gov/about/pubs/intro/index.html

Woolfolk, A. (2019). Educational psychology. (14th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Zigler, E. F. (1996). Day care and early childhood settings: Fostering mental health in young children. Champaign, IL: Clearinghouse on Early Childhood Education.

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Dr. Donna L. Roberts
Writer and university professor researching media psych, generational studies, addiction psychology, human and animal rights, and the...